James Taranto, “Pathological
Altruism,” The Wall Street Journal, June 14, 2013
A simple
concept that could revolutionize scientific and social thought.
We don't
think we'd ever heard of Oakland University, a second-tier institution in
suburban Rochester, Mich., but Barbara Oakley, an associate professor in
engineering, may help put the place on the map. Earlier this week Oakland's
Oakley published a fascinating paper, "Concepts and Implications of
Altruism Bias and Pathological Altruism," in the Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences.
The paper
is a concise summary of an innovative idea that informed Oakley's two recent
books: "Cold-Blooded Kindness: Neuroquirks of a Codependent Killer, or
Just Give Me a Shot at Loving You, Dear, and Other Reflections on Helping That
Hurts" (Prometheus, 2011) and "Pathological Altruism" (Oxford
University Press, 2012). The former has been described as a true-crime
thriller; the latter is a dense, 496-page collection of 31 academic papers,
edited by Oakley and three other scholars.
The PNAS
paper has the virtue of brevity, running only eight pages despite including 110
footnotes. Yet it's remarkable for its breadth and depth. It introduces a
simple yet versatile idea that could revolutionize scientific and social thought.
Oakley
defines pathological altruism as "altruism in which attempts to promote
the welfare of others instead result in unanticipated harm." A crucial
qualification is that while the altruistic actor fails to anticipate the harm,
"an external observer would conclude [that it] was reasonably
foreseeable." Thus, she explains, if you offer to help a friend move, then
accidentally break an expensive item, your altruism probably isn't
pathological; whereas if your brother is addicted to painkillers and you help
him obtain them, it is.
As the
latter example suggests, the idea of "codependency" is a subset of
pathological altruism. "Feelings of empathic caring . . . appear to lie at
the core of . . . codependent behavior," Oakley notes. People in codependent
relationships genuinely care for each other, but that empathy leads them to do
destructive things.
Yet
according to Oakley, "the vital topic of codependency has received almost
no hard-science research focus, leaving 'research' to those with limited or no
scientific research qualifications." That is to say, it is largely the
domain of pop psychology. "It is reasonable to wonder if the lack of
scientific research involving codependency may relate to the fact that there is
a strong academic bias against studying possible negative outcomes of
empathy."
That is a
provocative charge, and one that Oakley levels more generally at the scientific
establishment:
Both
altruism and empathy have rightly received an extraordinary amount of research
attention. This focus has permitted better characterization of these qualities
and how they might have evolved. However, it has also served to reify their
value without realistic consideration about when those qualities contain the
potential for significant harm.
Part of the
reason that pathologies of altruism have not been studied extensively or
integrated into the public discourse appears to be fear that such knowledge
might be used to discount the importance of altruism. Indeed, there has been a
long history in science of avoiding paradigm-shifting approaches, such as
Darwinian evolution and acknowledgment of the influence of biological factors
on personality, arising in part from fears that such knowledge somehow would
diminish human altruistic motivations. Such fears always have proven unfounded.
However, these doubts have minimized scientists' ability to see the widespread,
vitally important nature of pathologies of altruism. As psychologist Jonathan
Haidt notes, "Morality binds and blinds."
"Empathy,"
Oakley notes, "is not a uniformly positive attribute. It is associated
with emotional contagion; hindsight bias; motivated reasoning; caring only for
those we like or who comprise our in-group (parochial altruism); jumping to
conclusions; and inappropriate feelings of guilt in noncooperators who refuse
to follow orders to hurt others." It also can produce bad public policy:
Ostensibly
well-meaning governmental policy promoted home ownership, a beneficial goal
that stabilizes families and communities. The government-sponsored enterprises
Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae allowed less-than-qualified individuals to receive
housing loans and encouraged more-qualified borrowers to overextend themselves.
Typical risk–reward considerations were
marginalized because of implicit government support. The government used these
agencies to promote social goals without acknowledging the risk or cost. When
economic conditions faltered, many lost their homes or found themselves with
properties worth far less than they originally had paid. Government policy then
shifted to the cost of this "altruism" to the public, to pay off the
too-big-to-fail banks then holding securitized subprime loans. . . . Altruistic
intentions played a critical role in the development and unfolding of the
housing bubble in the United States.
The same
is true of the higher-education bubble. As we've argued, college degrees became
increasingly necessary for entry-level professional jobs as the result of a
well-intentioned Supreme Court decision that restricted employers from using IQ
tests because of their "disparate impact" on minorities.
Universities
altruistically established admissions standards that discriminated in favor of
minorities, a policy that proved pathological because underqualified minority
students struggled to succeed and even qualified ones face the stigma of being
assumed to be "affirmative action" beneficiaries. The institutions
tried to help by setting up separate orientations, which of course only
reinforced their separation from the broader student body.
And when,
in 2003, the discriminatory admissions standards faced a constitutional
challenge, the Supreme Court upheld them. In Grutter v. Bollinger, a
five-justice majority declared that administrators' declaration of altruistic
intent--"obtaining the educational benefits that flow from a diverse
student body"--was sufficient to meet the court's purportedly exacting
standard of "strict scrutiny." It was left to Justice Anthony
Kennedy, in dissent, to note the absence of "empirical evidence." The
court is currently revisiting the question-- Fisher v. Texas is expected to be
decided in the next few weeks--and one hopes that, if it stands by the
"diversity" rationale, Kennedy will finally succeed in imposing some
scientific rigor.
Pathological
altruism is at the root of the liberal left's crisis of authority, which we
discussed in our May 20 column. The left derives its sense of moral authority
from the supposition that its intentions are altruistic and its opponents' are
selfish. That sense of moral superiority makes it easy to justify immoral
behavior, like slandering critics of President Obama as racist--or using the
power of the Internal Revenue Service to suppress them. It seems entirely
plausible that the Internal Revenue Service officials who targeted and harassed
conservative groups thought they were doing their patriotic duty. If so, what a
perfect example of pathological altruism.
Oakley
concludes by noting that "during the twentieth century, tens of millions
[of] individuals were killed under despotic regimes that rose to power through
appeals to altruism." An understanding that altruism can produce great
evil as well as good is crucial to the defense of human freedom and dignity.
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