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First, he conflates physical capital equipment with all
forms of money-valued wealth, including land and housing, whether that
wealth is in productive use or not. He excludes only what neoclassical
economists call “human capital,” presumably because it can’t be bought
and sold. Then he estimates the market value of that wealth. His measure
of capital is not physical but financial.
This, I fear, is a source of terrible confusion.
and
With this passage he makes a distinction that he previously blurred:
between wealth justified by “social utility” and the other kind. It is
the old distinction between “profit” and “rent.” But Piketty has removed
our ability to use the word “capital” in this normal sense, to refer to
the factor input that yields a profit in the “productive” sector, and
to distinguish it from the source of income of the “rentier.”
As for remedy, Piketty’s dramatic call is for a “progressive global
tax on capital”—by which he means a wealth tax. Indeed, what could be
better suited to an age of inequality (and budget deficits) than a levy
on the holdings of the rich, wherever and in whatever form they may be
found? But if such a tax fails to discriminate between fortunes that
have ongoing “social utility” and those that don’t—a distinction Piketty
himself has just drawn—then it may not be the most carefully
thought-out idea.
In any case, as Piketty admits, this proposal is “utopian.”
and
Source: James Galbraith, "Kapital for the 21st Century," Dissent, Spring 2014.
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