James Taranto, “The Authoritarian Media, II,” The Wall Street Journal, April 14, 2015
Over the past couple of weeks we
were keeping an eye on the Indiana kerfuffle, and we were struck by an
editorial from the New York Times in praise of
corporate speech: “Big corporations like Walmart, Apple, Salesforce.com and
General Electric and their executives have done the right thing by calling on
officials in Indiana and Arkansas to reject ‘religious freedom’ laws designed
to give businesses and religious groups legal cover should they deny service to
gay couples.”
The Times editors were pleased but
not satisfied: “Just issuing corporate statements against such a law is
relatively easy and actually doesn’t provide protection against
discrimination.” The Times wants corporate America to engage in far broader
political activism. For one thing, “corporations and their executives
. . . should make clear that they will not donate to or support the
campaigns of politicians who back such regressive legislation.” (Actually,
campaign donations by corporations are legally prohibited at the federal
level.)
The editorial adds: “Another thing
businesses can do is to make clear that they want lawmakers in all states to
pass anti-discrimination protections for lesbians, gay men, bisexuals and
transgender people. More than three dozen chief executives of technology
companies did just that in a statement released on [April 1].”
“Hypocrisy,” charged HotAir.com’s “Jazz Shaw” who compared
this Times editorial with one from January 2010, prompted by the free-speech victory
in Citizens United v. Federal Election
Commission:
With a single, disastrous 5-to-4 ruling, the Supreme Court
has thrust politics back to the robber-baron era of the 19th century.
Disingenuously waving the flag of the First Amendment, the court’s conservative
majority has paved the way for corporations to use their vast treasuries to
overwhelm elections and intimidate elected officials into doing their bidding.
Congress must act immediately to limit the damage of this
radical decision, which strikes at the heart of democracy.
The charge of hypocrisy certainly
fits. What the Times now urges is that corporations attempt to “intimidate
elected officials into doing their bidding”—precisely what it found
objectionable five years ago. On the other hand, it is possible to reconcile the
paper’s objection to Citizens United with its support for corporate
political activism—but that resolution reveals something worse than hypocrisy.
The Times’s position is that
corporations (with the convenient exception of “media corporations” like the
New York Times Co. itself) have no rights under the First Amendment. That view
underlay its histrionic objections to both Citizens United and last
year’s Hobby Lobby v. Burwell,
in which the high court extended the religious-liberty protection of the
federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act to corporations that objected to the
ObamaCare abortifacient mandate on conscientious grounds.
But now the Times is urging
corporations, and executives acting in their corporate capacity, to speak out
aggressively in favor of a political cause the Times supports. How could they
even do so without free speech?
That seems like a rhetorical
question but isn’t. Opponents of free speech, such as the Times editorial
board, do not oppose speech. They oppose freedom. Authoritarian
and totalitarian regimes may not brook dissent, but they encourage speech in
favor of the regime. Totalitarian regimes frequently compel pro-regime speech.
To be sure, the New York Times is
not a government; its editorials have the force of wishes, not laws. But the
aspirations here are authoritarian in character. In the Times’s ideal world,
corporate speech would be permitted, but only in the service of permissible
viewpoints. That is the antithesis of free speech, a central feature of which
is viewpoint-neutrality.
Or is the aspiration totalitarian?
Silence, after all, would not be an option for the baker, florist or
photographer conscripted into participation in a same-sex wedding by the
antidiscrimination laws the Times supports. They would be—and in some places
have been—compelled to engage in expressive activity that violates their
deepest convictions.
As the legal scholar Richard Epstein notes: “It
is easy to tolerate people with whom you agree. It is necessary in a free
society to tolerate those with whom you disagree. It is this loss of tolerance,
this self-righteous indignation, this vilification of a vulnerable religious
minority that makes this recent chorus of incivility so disgraceful.”
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