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Voters cannot hold officials responsible if they do not know what
government is doing, or which parts of government are doing what. Given
that 20 percent thinks the sun revolves around the Earth,
it is unsurprising that a majority is unable to locate major states
such as New York on a map. Usually only 30 percent of Americans can name
their two senators. The average American expends more time becoming
informed about choosing a car than choosing a candidate. But, then, the
consequences of the former choice are immediate and discernible.
Many
people, says Somin, acquire political knowledge for the reason people
acquire sports knowledge — because it interests them, not because it
will alter the outcome of any contest. And with “confirmation bias,”
many people use political information to reinforce their preexisting
views. Committed partisans are generally the most knowledgeable voters,
independents the least. And the more political knowledge people have,
the more apt they are to discuss politics with people who agree with,
and reinforce, them.
The problem of ignorance is unlikely to be
ameliorated by increasing voter knowledge because demand for
information, not the supply of it, is the major constraint on political
knowledge. Despite dramatic expansions of education and information
sources, abundant evidence shows the scope of political ignorance is
remarkably persistent over time. New information technologies have
served primarily to increase the knowledge of the already well-informed,
which increases the ability of some to engage in “rent-seeking” from
the regulatory state, manipulating its power in order to transfer wealth
to themselves. And if political knowledge is measured relative to
government’s expanding scope, ignorance is increasing rapidly: There is
so much more to be uninformed about.
Source: George Will, "The Price of Political Ignorance," The Washington Post, January 1, 2014
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